Tuesday, December 30, 2008
Would We Have Been Better or Worse Off Without Government Intervention In House?
Monday, December 22, 2008
Howard Gardner and Piaget
Howard Gardner no longer believes in Piaget's theory of how the mind develops. His specific points of disagreement are these.
Piaget believed in general stages of development that cut across contents (Space, time, number); I now believe that each area of content has its own rules and operations and I am dubious about the existence of general stages and structures.
Piaget believed that intelligence was a single general capacity that developed pretty much in the same way across individuals: I now believe that humans posses a number of relatively independent intelligences and these can function and interact in idiosyncratic ways,
Piaget was not interested in individual differences; he studied the 'epistemic subject.' Most of my work has focused on individual differences, with particular attention to those with special talents or deficits, and unusual profiles of abilities and disabilities.
Piaget assumed that the newborn had a few basic biological capacities — like sucking and looking — and two major processes of acquiring knowledge, that he called assimilation and accommodation. Nowadays, with many others, I assume that human beings possess considerable innate or easily elicited cognitive capacities, and that Piaget way underestimated the power of this inborn cognitive architecture.
Piaget downplayed the importance of historical and cultural factors — cognitive development consisted of the growing child experimenting largely on his own with the physical (and, minimally, the social ) world. I see development as permeated from the first by contingent forces pervading the time and place of origin.
Finally, Piaget saw language and other symbols systems (graphic, musical, bodily etc) as manifestations, almost epiphenomena, of a single cognitive motor; I see each of these systems as having its own origins and being heavily colored by the particular uses to which a systems is put in one's own culture and one's own time.
The key concepts creating differences between Gardner and Piaget seem to be:
assimilation/accommodation,
stages,
general capacity (epistemic subject),
individual difference/commonalities (decalague),
innate abilities at birth,
social and cultural versus isolated child (social factor)
language.
Saturday, December 13, 2008
How Did Capitalism Create So Much Wealth?
Reduction of Taxes on Capital
After decades of top marginal tax rates in percentiles from the 70s into the 90s, President Reagan signed the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981. The top marginal rate was reduced from 70 to 50 percent, and by the time Reagan left office, it was down to 28 percent. During Reagan’s two terms, the top corporate tax rate was reduced from 34 to 28 percent, individual tax brackets were indexed for inflation, and—although there were some tax increases—the devastatingly high top marginal tax rates that preceded Reagan were gone. Nor have they come back—at least not yet.
In spite of President Bush the elder and President Clinton raising some taxes too much, but lowered others; and it now doesn’t appear smart to anyone that we should return to the levels that had prevailed prior to Reagan. The current President Bush lowered taxes dramatically—not so well in 2001, but then very effectively in 2003. The effect was to lower marginal tax rates, phase out the death tax, offer marriage penalty relief, and lower taxes on capital gains and dividends.
Deregulation
Major deregulation also enabled 25 years of strong growth. Interestingly enough, this deregulation began when President Carter signed the Airline Deregulation Act of 1978 that lifted price and route controls, the controls that had forced higher prices and fewer choices for consumers. Without these controls, airlines offered deals to fill otherwise half-empty planes and choose more efficient routes. The airline industry struggled for many reasons in subsequent years but consumers have been the big winners in terms of increased safety, more choices, and lower prices. Deregulation is responsible for ten to 18 percent lower fares, saving travelers $5-$10 billion a year.
Major deregulation also occurred in 1980 when Carter signed the Motor Carrier Act that deregulated an industry that had been closely controlled by the government since 1935. The deregulation put a stop to governmental requirements dictating what products truckers could transport and what routes they could travel.
The government required a motor carrier with authority to travel from Cleveland to Buffalo who purchased another carrier’s right to go from Buffalo to Pittsburgh to ship goods from Cleveland to Pittsburgh via Buffalo adding 272 miles to the trip. As a result of easing these regulations, prices for truckload-size shipments fell 25 percent by 1982; efficiency gains and cost savings helped make possible the “just-in-time” inventory system that has transformed retailing, lowered consumer costs, and, arguably, diminished the economy’s susceptibility to recessions.
President Reagan eased or eliminated price controls on oil and natural gas, cable television, long-distance telephone service, interstate bus service, and ocean shipping. In addition, banks were allowed to invest in a broader set of assets, and the scope of antitrust laws was reduced.
Free Trade
Recently, economic freedom has expanded in the form of freer international trade. In 1993, NAFTA eliminated a majority of tariffs on products traded among the U.S., Canada, and Mexico, and phased out others. In 2004, CAFTA eliminated tariffs immediately on more than 80 percent of U.S exports of consumer and industrial goods to Central America and phased out the rest over ten years. Since 1985, we’ve had bilateral or multilateral trade agreements with 16 countries. International trade is freer today than it has been at any time in the last 100 years.
Does Capitalism Work to Create Wealth? More Facts
Patrick Tomey of the Club of Rome puts the current downturn in the economy into perspective.
The fact of the matter is that we in the United States, and to a lesser degree the entire world, have just lived through—and continue to live in—the greatest period of prosperity in human history. Over the last 25 years, more wealth has been created, more people have been lifted out of poverty, standards of living have been elevated more dramatically, and the quality and length of life have improved, more than ever before in recorded history.”
• Average economic growth in the U.S. has not only been positive for almost the entire last quarter century, but for much of this period the rate of growth has accelerated. Our nation’s total economic output in 1982 was $5.1 trillion; last year it was $11.3 trillion (in real 2000 dollars).
• Per capita economic output in 1982 was $22,400; last year it was $37,807 (in real 2000 dollars).
• The average unemployment rate in the 1970s was nearly seven percent; it has been declining, on average, every decade since, and has remained below five percent since 2003. The average for 2007 was 4.6%. The current downturn in the economy raised unemployment to 6.7% in Nov 2008.
• The service sector of our economy has been on fire, growing from $1 trillion in 1982 to $5.5 trillion in 2006. America’s total manufacturing output reached its highest ever level in 2007. U.S. factories produced more last year than in any previous year in our history.
• The Dow Jones Industrial Average began the 1980s at 825; recently, despite its recent declines, it remained above 12,000, a 1,400 percent increase. Today during this economic downturn it stands at 8,630.
• Due to savings programs, like IRAs and 401(k)s, and investment vehicles, like mutual funds, the capital markets, have steadily increased family’s wealth. In 1983, 19 percent of American households owned stocks; in 2005, 50 percent were investors. In 1989, the median family net worth was $69,000; in 2004, it was $93,000.
• The income, wealth, and standard of living of the poor have steadily increased. Among families living below the official poverty line in the early 1970s, less than 40 percent had a car, almost none had color televisions, and air conditioning was virtually unheard of; in 2004, 46 percent owned their own homes, almost 75 percent owned a car (indeed, 30 percent owned two or more cars), 97 percent had color TVs, and 67 percent had air conditioning. The poor in the U.S. have an average of 721 square feet of living space per person, as compared with 430 in Sweden and 92 in Mexico.
• Technology has become accessible to all sectors of society. In 1975, there were 9.8 million cable TV subscribers; in 2006 there were 65 million; there were 2.1 million personal computers in 1985, and 243 million in 2007; there were 340 cell phone subscribers in 1985 and 243 million in 2007.
• As to health, infant mortality dropped from 20 deaths per 1,000 people in 1970 to seven deaths per 1,000 people in 2002. In 1980, American life expectancy was less than 74 years. Today it is 78.
• The world has improved. While the US leads the world in most measures of prosperity and growth, other countries have been enjoying the broadest expansion of wealth in history as well. Between 1999 and 2004, some 135 million people emerged from destitution, and there are now twice as many countries with fast-growing economies as there were in 1980.
Does Capitalism Work to Create Wealth?
From Federal Reserve System - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia this chart shows the accumulation of total U.S. wealth:
Total wealth in the United States is published by the Federal Reserve in a report titled, Flow of Funds.[85] At the end of fiscal year 2007, total wealth of all U.S. households and non-profit organizations was $57.718 trillion."
Monday, December 08, 2008
Confusing Free Markets & Capture of Government By Business
What's the Matter With Libertarians?: Thomas Frank blames the freedom movement for Jack Abramoff and George W. Bush - Reason Magazine: "The Wrecking Crew: How Conservatives Rule, by Thomas Frank, New York: Metropolitan Books."
Sunday, December 07, 2008
Morning in America? Mandate for Change?
Some Obama supporters seem to think his election indicates a sort of mandate from the people. Even if it were so, the nature of any mandate by the people is very unclear. There is simply no consensus of citizens on anything.
For example, the respected polling firm Rasmussen periodically asks Americans if they favor fewer government services with lower taxes, or more services with higher taxes. In late September, the public once again favored smaller government and lower taxes by a 57% to 31% margin. That difference is about 20 points more than Obama's victory margin over McCain. If this election was a reaction to a very unpopular president, any mandate for change simply means throwing the bums out, and we are left with no other idea of exactly what change might mean.
The Economic Gloom in the Media
Friday evening, the PBS Lehrer News Hour reported more bad economic news, holiday retail sales are apparently down this year; consumers are not spending as they have in past years. Things are pretty bad.
One segment showed empty stores and aired gloomy interviews with shoppers. The reporter told us of how depressed retail shopping for this holiday seemed to be and gave some data for previous years spending. But then we were left waiting for the facts on this year's holiday spending. With no data for comparison to last year, the report left us with the message of gloom.
Well, there are numbers for spending this holiday season that can give us an idea of just how bad this year is compared to last year. Here they are via George Will.
Sales the day after Thanksgiving were 3 percent higher, yes, higher, than last year reports George Will. Over the weekend, 172 million people, shopping in stores and online, spent an average of $372.57, a 7.2 percent increase over a year ago, when 147 million shoppers spent $347.55 per person. Personal consumption, which normally is 70 percent of economic activity seems robust.
How can this economic situation be reported as gloomy news? Did the PBS report underestimate the strength of an economy in which more than 93 percent of those who want to work are employed, and more than 93 percent of mortgages are being paid on time? Why exactly would the News Hour paint such a gloomy picture enabled by omitting any actual data when the data were available and they directly contradicted their report?
Saturday, December 06, 2008
Economics Left and Right, and Government Bailouts of Auto Companies
On the left (most of the family?), economic thinking seems to be that prosperity comes from consumer spending so give consumers consumption with massive government spending and jobs programs. On the right (Dianne, others?) economic thinking is that prosperity comes from producers who increase their productivity with investment so at most give business tax breaks or investment incentives.
If you're on the left (as apparently is most of the family), then you probably think the auto companies difficulties threaten jobs, the consumer side. If you're on the right (Dianne, others?, and me if you include both the right and free marketeers) the auto companies represent a poor use of capital and poor productivity (at least partly due to management). Let them restructure under ch 11 or at most let them put together a plan and offer issue bonds, or instead have government (why?) make loans to them.
Heated rhetoric aside (it doesn't explain, it justifies political action), the economy won't collapse (it's far too bit resilient, advanced, and complex), and there will be no dire consequences if the government doesn't bail out auto companies; auto companies will downsize further, file ch 11 bankruptcy so they can restructure the company and union contracts, create a plan and offer bonds to get capital, sell off some assets to other companies, continue asking Congress for bailout (by threatening plant closure, massive layoffs, pay us no or pay us later) or all of the mentioned. The auto industry will continue to operate their factories, employ workers, and make cars.
Bailouts by the government make the problem worse by artificially delaying the natural adjustments that are required. Allowing capitol to constantly be reallocated from relatively unproductive to more productive uses makes the economy resilient and prosperous (jobs and wages as well as better, more plentiful products). Leaving government out of auto companies will not have dire consequences even for most workers. Except for unproductive jobs, if auto companies have to restructure, all if not most of the auto employees will continue with their jobs, factories will continue to produce cars perhaps under new ownership or management, and certainly GM, Ford, Chrysler cars will continue to be produced although their market share may continue to decline. It is what is supposed to happen when companies or even whole industries become unproductive.
The restructuring is "painful," but the longer it take to reallocate capitol and jobs, the more difficult and painful. Many, many businesses large and small downsize or even go out of business just as many, many businesses start-up and grow. Jobs move around, get better, prosperity increases. If government locks business and workers into wage contracts, worker benefits, worker rights, and special benefits for some companies, and all the other rules and regulations, the economy can't adjust, reallocate its resources, create more productive activities, conduct research to improve or get rid of less productive activities. We will wind up with the high unemployment of European nations, lack creativity, and their lower level of prosperity.
Criteria for My Position
1. From the moral dimension regarding bailouts, it is unjust for politicians to pick winners (Bear Sterns) and losers (Lehman Brothers, Goldman Sachs?) and even worse to do this by taking wealth away (forcibly by unnecessary government debt and taxation) from current and future citizens without their consent or gain.
2. From a scientific point of view, the idea that ("Congressional leaders are reviewing three separate survival plans from the automakers in preparation for hearings Thursday and Friday, as they weigh whether to call lawmakers back to Washington for a special session next week to vote on an auto bailout.") Congressional leaders are more knowledgeable than industry executives regarding restructuring a complex company or that they understand principles and findings of economics (do they give you a factual analysis of the situation as either a liquidity [the Great Depression} or a solvency problem {today's situation]?) is absurd and arrogant.
3. From a political economy point of view, American constitutional government gives Congress no expressed power of unlimited government such that it can give taxpayer money to private companies.
4. As to citizens and democracy, we have already voted and continue to vote; we decided GM products have less value for us than Toyotas (I cast my vote for a Toyota to replace my Dodge Caravan). If you want GM to survive, express your vote by buying a GM product.
5. And finally, as to economic systems which are extremely complex, they are dynamic, living systems that constantly adjust and construct in order to survive, and which do this in spite of burdens (taxations and regulations) and challenges (seizure of assets or statutory demands for certain products or standards) and distortions in their operations (tax breaks, quotas for subprime mortgages, environmental or carbon limitations) imposed by governments that effectively act as parasites, diseases, and disabilities on the system. First, do no harm so we should make sure the decision makers are omniscient before allowing government to create unintended consequences.
FDR's New Deal & the Great Depression
Interpretations of the Great Depression face the same ideologic dispute between those on the left (FDR saved the country and capitalism by Krugman (Nobel Prize in economics but now a leftist commentator), other leftist economists and many historians) and those on the right (the New Deal hampered recovery until after the war by Higgs [fascinating podcast based on his research], Schlaes [both recently in the news], other free market economists). FDR was no economist, and pursued neither Keynesian nor classical economics in his feckless actions but he was a brilliant orator (fireside chats and compelling speeches); he produced no consistent policy for either supply side (business) or for consumption (the common man), he tried many programs (alphabet soup of New Deal programs), made many serious mistakes (NRA), had little regard for the Constitution (packed the Supreme Court to get his constitutionally dubious programs through). So economists argue as to the effects of the New Deal on the economy, and one's position depends on how one decides what kind of data to look at (net investment or total investment, all jobs or non-government jobs, private GNP or total GNP including war production, length of recession or amount of growth occurring after the bottom until final recovery to pre-Depresssion levels after the war) or perhaps outright ideologic bias.
My Position
I side with Dianne regarding both the economics of bailouts and the New Deal's effect in prolonging the depression (to make it a Great, Double Depression from 1930, 1937, to 1944. I believe in protecting free economic activity by citizens (and every other kind of free activity by citizens) because of its essential and amazingly constructive, adaptive, creative powers (true of all living systems including biological, organizational, moral, cognitive, educational systems). And yes, a society of free human activity especially from the economic point of view also takes care of social problems very well without government interference.
To prevent freedom is to prevent the essence of life itself.
Dick
Friday, December 05, 2008
You Can't Have Democratic Decision-Making If You Governmentalize Citizens' Activities
If we (what group or exactly who?) decide to take the free exercise of certain activities of citizens out of the private sphere and place them under government control or have government wholly take over the production of activities, even under the justification of solving a problem such as health care, retirement security, education, or some other that appears unsolvable by private, voluntary activity, that decision to governmentalize those previously free activities means we intend on giving up our right to any longer make individual choices in that sphere or to allow people to be free to conduct activities in any way they decide is best for them. A political process almost always results in transferring decisions from formerly free activity by citizens to government controlled decisions; seldom does political activity decrease government control and increase citizens’ freedom to choose and decide how to carry out their activities.
Once decisions are governmentalized through political means, they then must be implemented by some form of a government bureaucracy which insures their compliance. Every requirement enacted by political means requires an agency, that is, a bureaucracy, by which to carry out the requirement. It is this bureaucracy that is now implementing the decisions that no longer are under the discretion of citizens. A bureaucracy charged with implementation certain requirements always has a certain degree of discretion regarding the choices it must make since no law can exactly detail the specific actions that must be carried out. Thus, a bureaucracy has some freedom in carrying out a law and making decisions on behalf of citizens but it cannot change the legal framework that controls its actions even though better actions may be possible. It does not have “free” funding that is not within its legal mandates; it can only act to implement, not create, political decisions, and it is allowed no creative powers to experiment or develop new products. It is locked in to the legal requirements until political actions changes those requirements. Thus, the process of governmentalization creates legal and fixed control over citizens’ activity, it creates legal stasis that by design prevents development and change regardless of the merits.
To governmentalize then means first of all to carry out a political process to convert some sphere of individual decisions, either large or small, into government decisions, and, second, once a single politically decision is achieved, these decision then are carried out by a government bureaucracy it means to conduct the decisions through some government channels, that is, a government bureaucracy. Any attempt to solve problems (except in the case in which preventing force or fraud constitute the “problem”) by politics and government always means moving in the direction of decreasing the free activities of citizens and subordinating more activity to centralized government control. Whether the government actually delivers a service or whether it controls a non-governmental agent in order to have it deliver the service does not matter. Politics is the means and the expansion of government control over human activity is the end.
Thus, to politicize a problem such as health care, global warming, urban sprawl, means we are governmentalizing our previously free activities, that is, we intend on giving up our free activity and choices and intend to now subordinate our activities to government control. Politics is the means by which this process works. It is not the government program itself. Once the political process gives government the power to plan and manage a sphere of our activities, the administration of that power is no longer political, it is bureaucratic.
As an example, public education operates largely as planning and decisions carried out by a bureaucracy, not as a political process of democracy. It is true we have school boards but they do little in the way of actually planning and deciding. They mostly hire and fire the superintendent or make trivial decisions with little consequence to learning. Most of the rest of the time the significant decisions are carried out by the bureaucracy. The law controls much of school board actions such that it can’t in any real sense get rid of fundamental controlling rules accumulated over the years either in law or in the collective bargaining agreement. Collective bargaining itself is largely governmentalized by political decisions that have enacted into law the establishment of union representation, employment conditions, and bargaining procedures. Boards must turn over to district bureaucrats the conduct of negotiations and implementation. But even if boards are considered a democratic institution, by state law they are highly constrained in the way they deliver public education. They cannot use some arrangement other than having the district own and operate the public schools.
Politics converted the public’s education system into a government function. As a result of the political decision by state politicians (e.g., Horace Mann) made many years ago to governmentalize the citizens’ activities of educating their children, the school board functions only as an oversight agent for bureaucratic processes. It cannot decide whether to continue or not continue the government control of education. Once all the fundamental decisions were made through the political process, the implementation must be turned over to an educational bureaucracy that manages and controls public funding. Neither can the board change this bureaucratic design for the creation and administration of public schools, or the establishment and enforcement of standards, or hiring and firing, or the government requirement for mandatory attendance of students, etc. In effect, the political process governmentalized citizens’ educational activities as both providers and consumers such that now citizens have no practical right to provide educational services or choose what educational services to consume. Having done so, there is little left for boards in the way of democratic decisions. By law, public school decisions are no longer democratically controlled, they are standardized and bureaucratically controlled.
Therefore, to assert a problem is a political problem that requires government action carries with it the attempt to use political power to governmentalize some sphere of citizens’ activities, that is, to take over the citizens’ decisions and then establish some government bureaucracy by which those decisions are no longer subject to citizens’ decisions or a democratic process. It is the government bureaucracy that becomes the agent that gives meaning to the law and carries it out. To governmentalize means to use politics to create and give power to a government bureaucracy such that it can centrally plan and control citizens’ activities either by mandate (land use, product standards, consumer or producer rights) or by government practices of competition (public schools, the Post Office, tax breaks, eminent domain).
Within a sphere that is governmentalized, citizens’ activities and inter-individual exchanges can no longer be freely chosen nor voluntary and self-regulated by the relative values each citizen determines among the various choices the citizen has. They are not decisions subordinated to the collective will or common good; they are decisions subordinated to those with political power and then to the government; citizens’ activities become activities required by government and enforced by government power, and citizens’ values and choices no longer exist on their original free form. One particulary damaging consequence of the replacement of citizens’ free activity with government control is that it shuts down constructive activity by citizens which creates new and different choices since those activities are no longer rewarded or sometimes even allowed. Bureaucracies are not learning organizations; they only implementers what is set in law.
Now it seems important to clarify what democratic decision making is. Nothing about public schools is particularly democratic since to have democratic decision making process would means all citizens or at least everyone connected with schools would come together and vote as a body on each decision. When a group democratically decides to have a smaller group make the decisions, then it is a representative democracy already removed from pure democracy. If instead of deciding each decision anew when it repeatedly arises, political action creates laws that make and enforce decisions that are permanent, then that sphere of decision making is locked up and no subject to the processes of democracy. To be democratic, each new group of citizens should be able to make their own decision and not be subject to some earlier group’s decision. When the area of human activity controlled by democracy becomes at all larger than direct democracy can handle, it increasingly loses its ability to be subject to democratic processes. The decision making must be transferred to elected and non-elected officials. The only alternative to losing the citizens’ democratic voice is to prevent the political process from turning the decision into a decision of government and to prevent moving decisions from moving up in scale. If citizens’ decision are free from the process of governmentalizing that takes their direct voice in the decision away from them, then citizens can organize for collective action and make decisions about those collective actions democratically. It would seem that it is only when citizens’ activities are governmentalized that citizens lose their participatory freedom to make choices democratically. But with size comes the loss of that possibility.
The difficulty of keeping citizens free so that democratic decisions with others remains possible means the decisions must be protect from the process of converting individual choices into political ones. Even if this process is often described as the “democratic process of solving societal problems” or as the work of the “collective will” for the common good, very few if any of these decisions to governmentalize something come about through anything close to a democratic process of decision-making by the people, certainly not at the national level. They come about because a small class of politically powerful leaders manage to push the decisions through the political process. Citizens do not vote on issues or whether to governmentalize things. They only vote for a politician who will have decision powers over many issues. Giving politicians the power to governmentalize things removes the power of citizens to use a free, democratic and non-governmental process to make those decisions. Politics and government removes decisions from citizens’ direct choices, needs, and preferences. Whereas citizens might have qualms about raising taxes, forcing parents to send their children to government schools, starting a war, giving large tax breaks and bailouts to corporations, politicians may have no such qualms. Their interest is in getting elected so as to have the power to participate in these political decisions. Once elected, they can use the political power they have to get re-elected and stay in power, and they have an interest in governmentalizing things. Thus, one of the most fundamental principles in setting up a government is to provide some means whereby the power to governmentalize is limited and regulated by rights established to protect the free activity of citizens.
When the attempt to solve some societal problem through political means, politicians must decide how to governmentalize and homogenize the vast array and number of choices and values of citizens so as to force the choice on them and have them operate under one government bureaucracy or set of regulations designed by politicians and the bureaucracy to be implemented and imposed on all. This governmentalizing of citizens’ activities seems to appears justified, even necessary, when we think the personal choices and actions by some appear to us as lacking (parents won’t or can’t educate their children), dangerous (people smoke or don’t wear helmets), foolish (pay high rates for payday loans), or disadvantaged (work for minimum wages, take non-unionized jobs, go without some health care services), and therefore in need of correction and control by the group consensus. Or there is some large societal need that cannot be fulfilled unless government provides it (building railroads, highways, energy, national and local defense).
But the political process used to governmentalize decisions has no basis in democracy, group consensus, or a common good accepted by all. And since there is no democratic participatory decision by citizens to governmentalize the decision, they can only elect certain politicians they believe might make the proper decision. But if politicians are given decision making the power it is difficult to know how the politician acted much less the analysis used. Even if politicians governmentalize a problem that a majority of the citizens’ want, there is still a significant groups of citizen’s opposed and there are many other issues. And even within the majority many differences arise concerning the details.
As a result, even when politicians governmentalize something popular (e.g., health care) that many citizens seem to want, no one can get exactly what he or she wants or believes is best; government programs must be standardized. Everyone must accept the massive compromise for the design. Worse, the political decision makers are not technical experts and must either push significant decision-making down to the government bureaucracy or they must attempt to put in place a fixed design that will be less than optimal and difficult to change. Converting private decisions into political ones means everyone must loses their freedom to make decisions since they must subordinate their activity to a decision designed and controlled by those with political power. Worse, politicians don’t necessarily have any expertise in an area except a general political skill to win people’s approval. Political decision by a small group of politicians removes huge reservoir of constructive intelligence of citizens’ as they work on problems.
Thus, without a thoughtful understanding of a theory of government, people may easily find appeal in the idea that “democracy is the way we as a society come together to solve our problems.” Unless such a notion implying unlimited governmentalization can somehow be proven to be a valid theory of long term government, such thinking seems to inexorably lead to removing the free activity of citizens to democratically make their own collective decisions in any kind of voluntary groups they wish. Having politicians make decision for us is not only undemocratic by leading to unlimited government, it encourages thoughtless, rash and emotional decisions of citizens in wishing society would achiever some ideal goals. But the effect is to turn citizens’ voluntary decisions over to whomever is the most politically powerful, even if not elected, and to eliminate the rights of the minorities. Less obvious is the danger of the stasis governmentalizing decisions imposes on society by preventing intelligent, constructive activity and problem-solving by citizens.
Given the need to have at least some kind of government, how then could a thoughtful theory of government arrive at a design of the political processes a society uses so as to prevent these processes of governmentalizing from constantly taking over more and more of citizens’ activities? At least one theory if not the most successful theory is the American form of a constitutional republic in which the process of governmentalizing the free activities of citizens was expressly limited by constitutional rules within which political processes were constrained and regulated. For perhaps many reasons, the system have eroded but its principles remain clear.
First, in order to limit government so that democratic processes don’t takeover activities that should be left to citizens choices, American governance originally limited government to only those powers the people expressly gave it in the Constitution.
Second, the decision making process of American governance was removed from direct democracy and placed with elected representatives so as to create a deliberative, wise process free from the impulses and emotions of popular democracy.
Third, the rights of political minorities were set above the law so as to protect them from any laws the political majorities might enact.
Governmentalizing makes it difficult and even prevents the dynamic creation of more choices, the increase of efficiency of production, or the investigation and experimentation of large varieties of constantly emerging alternatives. Neither politicians nor government bureaucracies can predict the future; they have no omniscience that can correspond to the diversity of citizens’ values and needs, and so they cannot serve all citizens. Nor can they cannot freely conduct research and development into the possibilities, and even if it were possible government programs still would have no feedback as to value from citizens. Government bureaucracies simply cannot make choices and create huge varieties of choice by which to match consumers. It has no truly democratic process such as the market in which its products can be compared and evaluated by citizens. Since the government produces a single program funded by taxation it can and must disregard consumers, and it does not and cannot use the market to provide it with information as to the relative values of various products.
On the other hand, in the free sector of society those private and social decisions protected from government and hence from any democratic political processes take place in huge numbers and dizzying varieties. In a free society, everyone can vote as to the relative value of every product by placing a monetary value on the product in its purchase. Markets work amazingly well to create and allow a variety of choices. Democracy and politics works to reduce a variety of choices to a single one for all. Governmentalizing decisions so as to homogenize and subordinate citizens’ choices to one politically messy and compromised decision would seem to operate in opposition to citizens’ most general over arching values of respect for diversity and individual differences.
To prevent things from growing out of control, the challenge of how to design government must address at least how to delimit government action so as to prevent government from gradually extending and expanding its power and spheres of activity, forcing activities to be subordinated to a single program, and enforcing a rigid system of stasis that is difficult to change. And lest decisions ignore the views and rights of the minority, the challenge of a theory of government is to show how it will remove the decision making process from the lack of deliberation and emotion driven populism and democratic rule by the majority that tramples the rights of the minority. Those who would make political decisions must be confronted with the need to conduct due deliberation and compromise that are regulated by some definition and limitation of the sphere of government action.
